Studentski i građanski protesti i blokade 24/25

[Pletilja]

Treniram fokus na pozitivu:

Studenti biciklima idu u EU. Taman kad sam digla ruke i od njih, "apoliticnih", oni naprave ovaj fantastican potez, treba Evropa da ih vidi, oni jesu istinska alternativa ovim njuskama snsovskim koja avionima od 50 miliona necega slecu i dolecu kojekuda rasprodajuci ceo narod i zemlju na kilo. Evropa kaze da ne vidi alternativu "demokratski izabranoj" zvali, izvol te, alternativa je mlada, lepa, pametna, ima ogromnu podrsku naroda i sta cemo sad? 

Zborovi. Kad nas u gradu odrzana 2 pa se podelili, nista od zborova za sada. Zborovi su legitimni, dozvoljavaju ih statuti gradova, znaci, moze se. Zlatno doba zborova su bile sedamdesete, MZ (Mesne zajednice) su negde do 1974 fantasticno delovale na lokalu, znam, mnogo puta me je mama budila u 5 ujutru jer u 6 h pocinje neka akcija ciscenja parkica, kanala za odvodnjavanje, skupljanja odece za Crveni krst, uredjenje atomskih sklonista, pomoc bolesnim starcima, skupljanje clanarine jer i to je postojalo i vodjeni su uredni spiskovi, novac je kontrolisala uprava MZ koja je bila profesionalna. Hocete demokratiju, izvol te, vezbajte u svojoj kuci, ulici, gradu, politika ne ubija ako je kreiraju oni kojih se tice.

ALternativni sindikati i profesionalna udruzenja. Konacno. Placajte clanarinu, napravite strajkacke fondove, izdrzacete koliko treba da izgurate ono sto zelite, ne brukajte se vise strategijom hocu radim, necu radim, ako ne sad, kad? 

Sinoc opet veliki skup u gradu, shetalo se 3 sata od jedne neuralgicne tacke grada do druge, impresivno. Dok su svi gledali u zatvorena vvrata opstinske zgrade, zamracene prozore, ja sam zalepila nos za prozore kafane od prekoputa u kojoj su kaficu pili lokalni mafijasi, policijski dousnici pa smo se malo gledali.....cisto da znaju da sam jos tu....i da im presedne kafica...😁

 

 

 

 

Edited yesterday at 06:58 AM by Pletilja

[Knipex]

Mi smo juče bili na drugom zboru i izglasali samo jedan zaključak: Da ova vlast nije nadležna!

 

[Volter]

Quote

Protest "Odbranimo akademsku zajednicu" večeras u Nišu, Beogradu, Kragujevcu i Novom Sadu

 

Univerzitetski profesori organizovaće danas u Nišu, Beogradu, Kragujevcu i Novom Sadu protest pod nazivom "Odbranimo akademsku zajednicu".

 

Protest će u svim gradovima početi u 19 časova. 

 

U Nišu je zakazan ispred zgrade Osnovnog suda, u Beogradu i Novom Sadu ispred Rektorata, a u Kragujevcu ispred Palate pravde.

 

U pozivu, koji je objavljen na društvenim mrežama, navedeno je da se protestom želi da pokaže da akademska zajednica stoji zajedno i bez straha u odbrani znanja, ljudi i budućnosti.

 

"Studenti su pod pritiskom mesecima, nasilje eksalira na svim nivoima. Prete dekanima i rektorima, a neki su već napadnuti - čak i noževima! Ne smemo ćutati!", istaknuto je u pozivu za protest.

 

U pozivu se takođe kaže da akademska zajednica nije samo skup studenata i profesora, već da je to prostor slobode, znanja i kritičkog mišljenja, a da je upravo to u Srbiji ozbiljno ugroženo.

 

Ko može neka izađe. Vidimo u poslednje vreme da opet žele da zastraše, ne znaju na koji način da ugase proteste pa opet pokušavaju strahom. Želeli su da nas izmore jedno vreme, ali u tome nisu uspeli, strah im je izgleda najbolja opcija.

[Janne240]

11 hours ago, tomas.hokenberi said:

Svaka akcija tog tipa je politicka akcija, bez obzira ko je sprovodi. Ne treba mesati politicke stranke i politilku. Cak i kada se grupa gradjana okupi samostalno da se bori za npr. očuvanje parkića ili slično i to je politička borba, čak i ako nijedna politička stranka ili političar nisu umešani.

Sa druge strane sva ova "energija" se mora kanalisati u političke rezultate pre ili kasnije. Da bi došlo do promena u Srbiji mora doći do političkih promena, odnosno promene vlasti. Nadam se da niko ovde ne očekuje da će se SNS i Co pod pritiskom protesta preobraziti i postati naprasno pošteni i sposobni? Jedini način da se na kraju nešto zaista promeni je politička borba i smena vlasti. Čak i kada bi AV pristao na sve zahteve studenata i kada bi pristao na prelaznu vladu ili nešto slično to samo po sebi ništa ne bi promenilo ako na kraju rezultat nije smena vlasti.

Ma to ne treba analogijom objasniti niti preterano zuriti sa ocekivanjima u smislu konkretizacije politicke borbe sto upravo radi pozicija sve vreme, ovde se ipak radi ne samo o politickoj vec pre svega o potrebi za diskontinuitetom sa tzv politickom demokratijom u poslednjih dve i vise decenija na nacin na koji bi novo ustrojstvo drzave i politickog sistema bilo postulatom socijalne i drustvene pravde zakonito uredjeno i kroz politicki sistem i kroz rad drzavnih organa i institucija koje bi u svakom trenutku (nebitno) bile oslonac nepristrasnog upravljanja i stalnog mehanizma smenjive i kontrolisane vlasti, nezavisne od politickih partija.

[Klotzen]

https://www.021.rs/story/Novi-Sad/Vesti/405629/Akcija-Tockovi-za-tockove-u-sredu-u-kampusu-Pljeskavice-i-izlozba-motocikala-za-put-do-Strazbura.html

 

Pravi se akcija 2. aprila u NS u kampusu univerziteta. Prodavaće se pljeskavice a prihod ide za studente bicikliste. Eto preskočite obroke taj dan pa banite na večeru posle 18h.

 

Što se tiče samo akcije jako je važno da bude medijski propraćena, da sa njima ide neko od novinara ili makar onaj njihov YT kanal da prenosi koliko može. Takođe ne bi bilo loše sa našim ljudima da dogovore usputne stanice u instranstvu i da ih tamo na javnim mestima dočekaju i da imaju transpratnte na domaćim jezicima da se privuče pažnja i lokalnih medija, a možda i mainstream medija. Dobro u Mađarskoj teško ali u Austriji i Nemačkoj nije nemogoće.

[srlepajce]

 

 

[Chaos Is Me]

Najjači deo iz onog FDU videa iz Ćacilenda kad brat prilazi nekoj sendvičarki i pita je šta studira a ona kaže FEFA (valjda neko privatno govno za menadžment), a on kaže: "Nemam pojma šta je to, ja znam za FIFA i PES."

[alekk]

22 hours ago, DJ_Vasa said:

 

Ja trenutno vidim dve opcije:

a) da se napravi neki širi pokret koji bi okupljao profesore univerziteta, intelektualce i slično, koji bi angažovao građane, ponudio rešenja za prelaznu vladu, sve ostalo što može doprineti izlasku iz krize, a koji bi se angažovao i na diplomatskom planu

b) da opozicija mrdne guzicom, takođe okupi građane i da lepo kaže: OK, znamo da smo takvi kakvi jesmo, ali izvolite birajte: mi ili SNS, pa kako odlučite.

 

Naravno, postoje i druge, ali ove mi trenutno deluju koliko-toliko izvodljivo.

Opcija pod A je vecini prihvatljiva.

Opcija B...

 

[Klotzen]

FEFA je inače jedan od prvih privatnih fakulteta koji su studenti blokirali. Nema svežijih vesti da li blokada i dalje traje.

[MilošVB]

1 hour ago, Klotzen said:

FEFA je inače jedan od prvih privatnih fakulteta koji su studenti blokirali. Nema svežijih vesti da li blokada i dalje traje.

Na FEFA btw ima nekih odličnih profesora.

[Red]

Evo kompletne rute puta do Strazbura, siguran sam da će naša dijaspora dobro ugostiti studente.

 

 

[Clash]

Inače, @djura.net verovatno razocaran nekim stvarima oko protesta, napisa da su mogli da pedalaju do Moskve.

Mogli su ali NISU. Kao sto se kaze u Vojvodini, deca teraju biciklove u Evropu.

Jebem mu misa, valjda i taj pravac gde su se uputili nesto znaci.

[Perkos2]

9 minutes ago, Clash said:

Inače, @djura.net verovatno razocaran nekim stvarima oko protesta, napisa da su mogli da pedalaju do Moskve.

Mogli su ali NISU. Kao sto se kaze u Vojvodini, deca teraju biciklove u Evropu.

Jebem mu misa, valjda i taj pravac gde su se uputili nesto znaci.

Provalio ih đura da foliraju sa vožnjom do Strazbura, nije što je naš forumaš ali je stvarno genije.

[nemanjaol]

Imam pristup plaćenoj verziji Perplexity AI alatu, pa sam iskoristio opciju deep research da mi da pregled modernih protesta gde je bitna komponenta bila direktna demokratija:

 

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Direct Democracy in 21st Century Protest Movements: A Comprehensive Analysis

 

The 21st century has witnessed a remarkable trend in civil unrest: the incorporation of direct democracy mechanisms within protest movements. As traditional representative democracy has faced mounting criticism, protesters worldwide have established alternative decision-making structures that prioritize horizontal participation, consensus-building, and citizen engagement. This report examines major protest movements since 2000 that featured citizen assemblies, plenums, or other forms of direct democracy, exploring how these movements unfolded, how they were resolved, and their lasting impacts on politics and society.

 

Occupy Wall Street Movement (2011)

 

Origins and Democracy Mechanisms

 

The Occupy Wall Street movement formally began on September 17, 2011, when approximately 1,000 protesters established an encampment in Zuccotti Park after marching on Wall Street9. This action followed a call from the Canadian magazine Adbusters on July 13, 2011, to occupy Wall Street9. The movement quickly gained prominence after police arrested around 700 protesters on the Brooklyn Bridge on October 1, an event that generated widespread media coverage9.

 

At the heart of Occupy was its distinctive governance structure: the General Assembly. This consensus-based decision-making body allowed anyone to participate, embodying the movement's commitment to horizontal democracy5. The General Assembly operated without formal leadership, using specialized hand signals to facilitate communication and decision-making5. As one participant described: "Through this process, the occupy movement models its own radically inclusive political economy and thus demonstrates that it's more than a protest movement... it's a social process through which people can experience being a fully heard citizen"5.

 

Resolution and Impacts

 

The physical occupation ended on November 15, 2011, when New York City police evicted protesters from Zuccotti Park under orders from Mayor Bloomberg, who claimed the encampment infringed on public access to the park911. Similar evictions occurred across the country, effectively ending the movement's physical presence.

 

Despite its relatively brief existence, Occupy Wall Street created lasting impacts by fundamentally shifting political discourse around economic inequality. The movement's slogan "We are the 99%" introduced a powerful framing that continues to shape discussions about wealth distribution14. Occupy reverberated through later activism, with its legacy visible in movements like Fight for $15, Black Lives Matter, Bernie Sanders' campaigns, and the 2020 racial justice uprisings following George Floyd's murder14.

 

As activist Kazembe Balagun noted, Occupy "opened up the door for a new generation of Black elected officials, the Cori Bushes, the Jamaal Bowmans... They carry on the Occupy and BLM legacy"14. The movement gave the political left "ideas, skills, and a base in a way no one could have imagined a decade ago"14.

 

Spain's 15M/Indignados Movement (2011)

 

Origins and Democracy Mechanisms

 

On May 15, 2011, approximately 20,000 people demonstrated in more than 50 Spanish cities under the slogan "Real Democracy Now! We are not merchandise in the hands of politicians and bankers!"3. Following these demonstrations, protesters established a camp in Madrid's central Puerta del Sol square, which quickly evolved into a highly organized structure with multiple assemblies discussing different issues3.

 

The 15M movement developed sophisticated direct democracy practices. Discussions and decisions took place in open assemblies characterized by horizontality (no hierarchies or leaders) and plurality (anyone could join regardless of ideology)3. The movement used sign language to facilitate dialogue, with specific signals for agreement (raising and shaking hands), disagreement (raising and crossing arms), and indicating repetition3.

 

Decision-making operated through local assemblies coordinated by regular meetings of chairs (not representatives). As one participant explained: "Decisions are made in local assemblies... each bound by the agreements reached in his or her own assembly"3. This emphasis on consensus and horizontal decision-making became a defining characteristic of the movement.

 

Resolution and Impacts

 

Unlike some protest movements that ended with forcible eviction, 15M gradually transformed into political action. According to El Periódico de Catalunya, the movement "led to the end of the two-party system, enforced the election of candidates within the parties and determined the topics of the political agenda"12. It resulted in the formation of the Podemos political party, which eventually entered government as part of a coalition.

 

Ten years after 15M, commentators acknowledged its profound impact on Spanish politics. As one analysis stated: "It is only with the benefit of hindsight that one realises that they have left clear traces in the past decade"12. The movement's democratic innovations influenced other movements globally and transformed Spanish political discourse around representation and democracy.

 

France's Yellow Vests Movement (2018-2019)

 

Origins and Democracy Mechanisms

 

The Yellow Vest (Gilets Jaunes) movement emerged in late 2018 as a protest against a fuel tax increase that disproportionately affected rural and working-class French citizens. What began as online protests evolved into nationwide demonstrations, with participants wearing the high-visibility yellow vests required in all French vehicles48.

 

The movement embraced direct democracy both as a means and an end. Protesters organized local assemblies for decision-making and coordination, while also advocating for institutional reforms like the Citizens' Initiative Referendum (CIR)8. This proposed mechanism would enable citizens to vote directly on legislation, repeal laws, dismiss political representatives, and revise the constitution8.

 

Yellow Vests demonstrated "radically democratic organization," combining horizontal networks of committees and assemblies with innovative "bottom-up" verticality through an "Assembly of Assemblies" that delegated representatives from local groups4. As scholars noted, "The Yellow Vests want to get rid of the oligarchic elements relating to political representation to keep only the democratic elements"4.

 

Resolution and Impacts

 

The movement achieved a significant initial victory when the French government canceled the planned fuel tax increase on December 4, 20188. On December 10, President Macron announced concessions including tax cuts, pension increases, and civil service reforms, estimated to cost billions of euros8. However, most of the movement's broader demands were not met.

 

While failing to achieve systemic change, the Yellow Vests left a meaningful legacy. The movement remained remarkably resilient, with resurgences years after the initial protests. Its demands for direct democracy mechanisms like the CIR continue to shape political discourse in France, and the yellow vest symbol spread internationally to protests in other countries8.

 

Bosnian Protests/"Bosnian Spring" (2014)

 

Origins and Democracy Mechanisms

 

The Bosnian protests erupted in February 2014, initially as demonstrations by factory workers in Tuzla protesting privatization and unpaid salaries10. The protests rapidly spread throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, with citizens expressing anger about corruption, economic decay, and political stagnation amid 45 percent unemployment10.

 

A distinctive feature of these protests was the establishment of "plenums" (citizens' assemblies) in 12 cities across the country10. These plenums represented a serious attempt to build democratic participation in a post-conflict society. As one participant explained: "We're building democracy from scratch, like the Greeks did"10. The assemblies compiled lists of citizen demands and presented them to various levels of government.

 

The plenums operated with inclusive, horizontal decision-making processes. As activist Srđan Dizdarević noted, they represented a shift away from political apathy: "Before there was usually a very flat reaction of the citizens, they were following what was happening with apathy. Now the anger has come out"10.

 

Resolution and Impacts

 

The protests achieved some immediate political changes, with four local governments resigning in response to public pressure10. The Sarajevo government accepted all plenum demands on February 24, including the appointment of a government of non-partisan experts and cuts to official salaries10.

 

However, the movement's momentum gradually faded. By April 2014, participation had decreased, and many structural issues remained unaddressed. While the plenums briefly united citizens across ethnic divides in a country still recovering from war, their long-term impact on Bosnia's political system was limited. Nevertheless, they established a model for citizen participation that would influence later movements in the region.

 

Taiwan's Sunflower Movement (2014)

 

Origins and Democracy Mechanisms

 

In March 2014, students in Taiwan occupied the Legislative Yuan (parliament) for 23 days to protest a trade agreement with China being passed without proper scrutiny. The movement featured innovative democratic practices, combining physical occupation with digital democracy tools.

 

Protesters created "deliberative democracy on street" with facilitated deliberation sessions involving thousands of participants. The movement employed digital platforms to coordinate actions and decision-making, establishing models for participatory democracy that would later influence institutional reforms.

 

Resolution and Impacts

 

After 23 days of occupation, the government agreed to greater oversight of agreements with China, and the protesters voluntarily dispersed. The movement had profound long-term effects on Taiwan's politics, helping the Democratic Progressive Party win power in subsequent elections and shifting Taiwan's political orientation away from deeper cross-strait engagement with China.

 

The Sunflower Movement also established democratic innovation templates that influenced Taiwan's approach to digital democracy. These innovations later proved valuable during crises like the COVID-19 pandemic, when activists leveraged organizational tools developed during the movement to address new challenges13.

 

Chilean Protests (2019)

 

Origins and Democracy Mechanisms

 

In October 2019, Chile experienced massive protests initially triggered by metro fare increases that quickly evolved into a broader movement calling for constitutional reform and addressing inequality. A distinctive feature of these protests was the emergence of over a thousand self-organized "cabildos" (citizen assemblies) throughout the country7.

 

These cabildos came in three forms: Territorial Cabildos convened by neighborhood associations and local worker groups; Thematic Cabildos initiated by groups sharing common interests; and Institutional Cabildos organized by established entities like universities and sports clubs7. These assemblies provided forums for citizens to discuss constitutional reforms and broader societal issues.

 

Resolution and Impacts

 

The Chilean government responded to the protests with an "Agreement for Peace" that led to a constitutional referendum. In October 2020, 78.3% of Chilean citizens voted to draft a new constitution and establish a constitutional convention7. This represented a significant achievement for the movement, creating a formal process for addressing the structural issues that sparked the protests.

 

The cabildos established during the protests influenced the constitutional process, with many of their proposals and deliberative methods incorporated into the official constitutional convention. This demonstrates how protest-born democratic innovations can translate into institutional reform.

 

Lebanese "October Revolution" (2019)

 

Origins and Democracy Mechanisms

 

Lebanon's October 17, 2019 protests, known as the "thawra" (revolution), were sparked by proposed new taxes amid a worsening economic crisis. The movement quickly expanded into nationwide demonstrations demanding an end to sectarian governance, corruption, and economic mismanagement15.

 

While the search results provide limited information about specific direct democracy mechanisms employed during these protests, they indicate that the movement represented a significant challenge to Lebanon's sectarian political system and embodied citizens' demands for more direct participation in governance.

 

Resolution and Impacts

 

The protests achieved some immediate political change when Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned on October 29, 201915. Hassan Diab subsequently formed a new cabinet of ministers characterized as "technocrats," though protesters argued they maintained partisan allegiances15.

 

Four years later, the movement's legacy remains contested. While it represented a historic challenge to Lebanon's sectarian system, it failed to achieve fundamental change due to "internal divisions among protestors, increased state repression, co-optation strategies by the ruling elites, and the ongoing economic meltdown"15. The revolution succeeded in changing leadership but not in bringing about the systemic reforms demanded by demonstrators.

 

Serbian Protests (2024-2025)

 

Origins and Democracy Mechanisms

 

The ongoing protests in Serbia were triggered by the collapse of a newly renovated train station roof in Novi Sad on November 1, 2024, which killed 15 people2. What began as brief 15-minute road blockades to honor the victims evolved into nationwide demonstrations, university occupations, and a fundamental challenge to governance structures2.

 

A defining feature of these protests is their embrace of direct democracy through student-led "plenums" (plenary sessions). As one student participant explained: "The purest and most authentic form of democracy in these protests lies in the function of the plenums. What makes them unique is their direct democracy—where all students are invited to participate and freely express their opinions without fear of being targeted"6.

 

In a public letter, students emphasized that their achievements stemmed from "self-organization based on the principles of direct democracy and plenary sessions"1. They explicitly contrasted this approach with representative democracy: "In contrast to the established model of representative democracy, where all power and responsibility are entrusted to elected representatives who determine our fates instead of us—direct democracy involves everyone equally questioning and being equally responsible for what concerns them"1.

 

The students advocated for citizens' assemblies as alternatives to traditional political structures, stating: "What is a plenary for students is a citizens' assembly for the people"1. They grounded this proposal in Serbia's constitution, which states that no state authority, political organization, group, or individual can appropriate citizens' sovereignty1.

 

Resolution and Impacts

 

As of March 2025, these protests remain ongoing. The movement has already achieved some concessions, including government acknowledgment of responsibility for the train station collapse and the release of classified documents. However, fundamental demands for accountability and systemic reform have not yet been fully addressed.

 

Given the recency of these protests, their long-term impacts remain to be seen. However, they have already established a compelling model of direct democracy through plenums and citizens' assemblies that challenges Serbia's traditional political structures.

 

Conclusion: Common Themes and Lasting Impacts

 

The protest movements examined in this report reveal several common themes in the implementation of direct democracy mechanisms during civil unrest:

Horizontal decision-making: All these movements rejected traditional hierarchical structures in favor of horizontal, participatory governance.

Consensus-building: Most employed consensus-based decision-making rather than simple majority rule.

Inclusive participation: The movements prioritized giving voice to all participants, often using specialized mechanisms to ensure equitable participation.

Dual role of direct democracy: These mechanisms served both as means (organizing the protests effectively) and ends (demonstrating alternatives to representative democracy).

Physical spaces: Assemblies typically occurred in occupied physical spaces (squares, parks, buildings) that became laboratories for democratic experimentation.

 

The lasting impacts of these movements vary considerably:

 

Political transformations: Some movements (15M, Sunflower) succeeded in transforming their countries' political landscapes, including party systems and electoral outcomes.

Institutional reforms: Others (Chilean protests) achieved formal institutional changes like constitutional reform processes.

Discourse shifts: Even movements that achieved limited concrete change (Occupy) successfully shifted political discourse around key issues.

Democratic innovations: All these movements generated democratic innovations that influenced later movements and, in some cases, formal institutions.

Movement evolution: Many evolved into different forms of political action rather than simply ending, demonstrating how protest-born democratic practices can outlive the protests themselves.

These movements collectively demonstrate how direct democracy practices in protests not only challenge existing political structures but also create laboratories for democratic innovation with impacts far beyond the immediate context of the demonstrations. As traditional representative democracy faces continued challenges worldwide, these protest-born democratic innovations offer valuable insights into alternative models of citizen participation and governance.

 

 

Uspeh je varirao od slučaja do slučaja, ali je gotovo svaki put ovakav vid protesta imao veliki odjek u kasnijem političkom životu te države.

 

Ono što meni deluje je da su najuspešniji bili protesti u kojima su se zahtevi kanalisali u konkretan politički zahtev za koji je posle moglo da se glasa, konkretno Čile kao najuspešniji primer.

[Chaos Is Me]

52 minutes ago, MilošVB said:

Na FEFA btw ima nekih odličnih profesora.

 

Manje je važno kakvi su profesori, mnogo je važnije kakav je kriterijum.

[Klotzen]

17 minutes ago, Chaos Is Me said:

 

Manje je važno kakvi su profesori, mnogo je važnije kakav je kriterijum.

 

Tačno, ima dosta privatnih fakulteta gde su skoro svi profesori isti kao i na državnim ali je problem što je tu za 6 dosta nizak kriterijum. Ja imam par ljudi na poslu koji su imali visok prosek na privatnom fakultetu i nemam zamerki na njih. Ali imamo i jednog sa prosekom 6, trulo mi da ga pitam da li je uopšte ikad bio na faksu 🙂 . 

[SteveFrancis#3]

@JurgenEl imas ti neki nacin ili ideju ko moze direkt da iscima Pogija, Roglu ili Mohorica da daju neki s'port studentariji. Kreativno-PR neka varijanta, ne mislim na finansijsku pomoc

[djura.net]

44 minutes ago, Clash said:

Jebem mu misa, valjda i taj pravac gde su se uputili nesto znaci.

Pa znaci, ali ja jos uvek ne vidim vrednosti ove akcije, da ne kazem njenu specificnu tezinu. Dozivljavam je kao okretanje glave od problema, ali 'ajde da ne mracim vise, mozda na duze staze (ne mislim biciklisticke) i bude neke koristi. Mislim, jasno mi je da ce biti dosta naseg sveta uz put koji ce izlaziti na puteve i ulice i dati podrsku, ali ne vidim neku kriticnu masu u Strazburu za neki ozbiljniji pritisak na Savet Evrope. A sve da i bude ta neka kriticna masa, ne razumem kako bi Savet Evrope bio u poziciji da 'presece' bilo sta u konkretnom slucaju.

 

Za drugare sa foruma koje streca pominjanje Moskve i Sarovica, sta je tacno problem u toj voznji bicikla? Doduse najkraca trasa preko Ukrajne nije bas u funciji, ali zato se moglo nekom od dve rute, ili preko Madjarske, Slovacke, Poljske, Belorusije do Moskve i Kremlja ili ona toplija, ali duza ruta preko Bugarske, Turske (na razmenu iskustava sa Pikacuom) i Gruzije. U svakom slucaju ne sumnjam da bi izostao bratski docek, a uticaj na desavanja u Srbiji bi mozda bio povoljniji od ovog iz EU.

[Don Dusko]

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Otvarate spojler na svoju odgovornost.

[MilošVB]

44 minutes ago, Chaos Is Me said:

 

Manje je važno kakvi su profesori, mnogo je važnije kakav je kriterijum.

To svakako.

 

Iz nekih priča mi deluje da ko želi da nauči - nauči dosta, ali većina ide linijom manjeg otpora koja im je omogućena.

[nemanjaol]

14 minutes ago, djura.net said:

Pa znaci, ali ja jos uvek ne vidim vrednosti ove akcije, da ne kazem njenu specificnu tezinu. Dozivljavam je kao okretanje glave od problema, ali 'ajde da ne mracim vise, mozda na duze staze (ne mislim biciklisticke) i bude neke koristi. Mislim, jasno mi je da ce biti dosta naseg sveta uz put koji ce izlaziti na puteve i ulice i dati podrsku, ali ne vidim neku kriticnu masu u Strazburu za neki ozbiljniji pritisak na Savet Evrope. A sve da i bude ta neka kriticna masa, ne razumem kako bi Savet Evrope bio u poziciji da 'presece' bilo sta u konkretnom slucaju.

 

Za drugare sa foruma koje streca pominjanje Moskve i Sarovica, sta je tacno problem u toj voznji bicikla? Doduse najkraca trasa preko Ukrajne nije bas u funciji, ali zato se moglo nekom od dve rute, ili preko Madjarske, Slovacke, Poljske, Belorusije do Moskve i Kremlja ili ona toplija, ali duza ruta preko Bugarske, Turske (na razmenu iskustava sa Pikacuom) i Gruzije. U svakom slucaju ne sumnjam da bi izostao bratski docek, a uticaj na desavanja u Srbiji bi mozda bio povoljniji od ovog iz EU.

 

Vrlo je jednostavno.

 

Idu na taj put da bi bili viđeni i da bi kreirali medijski sadržaj.

 

Prolaziće kroz neke od najvećih gradova Evrope. Dijaspora će im u svakom mestu prirediti neki doček, animiraće novinare, sigurno imaju spremna i neka TV gostovanja, možda će imati posete i kolegama sa evropskih univerziteta. Biće dostupni i manjim lokalnijim medijima, biće intervjuisani. Preneće svoju poruku, pričaće o napadu zvučnim oružjem. Ljudi će ih videti, rukovati se sa njima, popričati malo.

 

Pojavila se vest i da će im evroparlamentarci prirediti doček.

 

Znači idu da prenesu poruku o ovome što se dešava u Evropu.

 

Ti u ovim postovima to predstavljaš kao da su se svi studenti spakovali i krenuli na put u Strazbur, a u međuvremenu će svi ostali samo da sede i ne rade ništa. Na ovo zapravo treba gledati samo kao na jednu od akcija sa ciljem da iz država Evropske unije stigne veći pritisak, dakle jedna od akcija u okviru šire strategije koju već duže vremena implementiraju.

 

[Clash]

23 minutes ago, djura.net said:

Pa znaci, ali ja jos uvek ne vidim vrednosti ove akcije, da ne kazem njenu specificnu tezinu. Dozivljavam je kao okretanje glave od problema, ali 'ajde da ne mracim vise, mozda na duze staze (ne mislim biciklisticke) i bude neke koristi. Mislim, jasno mi je da ce biti dosta naseg sveta uz put koji ce izlaziti na puteve i ulice i dati podrsku, ali ne vidim neku kriticnu masu u Strazburu za neki ozbiljniji pritisak na Savet Evrope. A sve da i bude ta neka kriticna masa, ne razumem kako bi Savet Evrope bio u poziciji da 'presece' bilo sta u konkretnom slucaju.

 

Za drugare sa foruma koje streca pominjanje Moskve i Sarovica, sta je tacno problem u toj voznji bicikla? Doduse najkraca trasa preko Ukrajne nije bas u funciji, ali zato se moglo nekom od dve rute, ili preko Madjarske, Slovacke, Poljske, Belorusije do Moskve i Kremlja ili ona toplija, ali duza ruta preko Bugarske, Turske (na razmenu iskustava sa Pikacuom) i Gruzije. U svakom slucaju ne sumnjam da bi izostao bratski docek, a uticaj na desavanja u Srbiji bi mozda bio povoljniji od ovog iz EU.

Tesko da je okretanje glave od problema, ovo je još jedna akcija u nizu akcija koje preduzimaju. 

I po ko zna koji put pisem, studenti rade NEŠTO, i to što rade dobro rade, a druga opcija je jalovo prespanje iz šupljeg u prazno od strane gradjana i opozicije.

Studenti vape uradite i vi nešto, svi da uradimo po malo desiće se nešto.

A mi čekamo da oni urade sve iako uporno govore svi studenti i svi plenumi, ne možemo mi sami.

Napravili smo u prvim mesecima od studenata idealnog, bez mana, s neba palog novog lika u politici koji će da nam reši sve probleme i spasi nas muka.

E sad posto niko nije idealan, oni nam ruše sneška, jer izbor zastava, parola, frizura, patika nije onakav kako svako od nas zamišlja idealnog, pazi sad NOVOG VODJU.

Da, ponašamo se kao da su studenti novi vodja koji će nas infantilne da vodi kroz oluje na srpskom brodu. Stara greška u našem maatriksu, bez vodje ne mere.

Oni nikada to nisu za sebe rekli i uporno ponavljaju da SVI moramo raditi i uporno ističu da nemaju vodje.

Elem, za mene, sve studentske akcije su tektonski pomak u odnosu na žabokrečinu u kojoj smo blejali.

[Kooineeperk]

 

 

Studenti su nam dali izbor... 

[NMX]

Nebeski narod 

 

[Janne240]

Studenti nisu robovi (u diktaturi) tastatura, podrzavam biciklisticku akciju do Strazbura.