Plavi Golub

https://www.vokabular.org/forum/index.php?topic=3675.0 Evo diskusije sa foruma o jeziku. Izgleda da je normativom u pravopisi tako reseno, mada se u govoru srecu tri varijante. Ja znam za ovu u Beranama. Videces u jednom postu: Ако постоји номинатив на -и, онда је множина мушког рода сигурно, а ако је на -е може, теоријски, и једнина средњег рода и множина мушког, ако Правопис не налаже другачије (али то, опет, није питање правописа, већ морфологије!), а он за Беранеипак налаже женски род множине.

Izgleda da je to muski rod mnozina. Ti Lucani, u Lucanima.

Ja kazem u Uzicu, u Banja Luci. Evo sta je ispravno: https://kakosepise.com/rec/uzicu-ili- uzicama/ https://www.pismenica.rs/kako-se-kaze/beranima-ili-beranama/ Berane su ženski rod množine (te Berane, a ne to Berane). Treba u Beranama.

Ma kakav Tadic uzrok svega. Ako ce covek uopste vraca unazad. 6. 10. 2000. je uzrok svega. Oni (intelligence) su se od lokalnih izbora ‘96 pripremali za infiltraciju ako Sloba ne uspe da opstane. Tad je negativac sa kosarke u ulozi gradonacelnika napravio kao otklon. Ovo u SNS je ekipa kombinovana od bivsih radikala i dela DS, G17+ koji su bili u politici iz najprizemnijeg interesa i rebrendirani unutar SNS. Ako nesto i moze da se uzme kao uzrok nakon 2000. to je sto su tasna - masna likove pustili (DS, G17) da divljaju na mestima blizu para. Puno takvih su to nastavili pod novim brendom. Nisu im stali na rep kad je trebalo. Apsolutno nisam mogla da shvatim tu promenu 2012. i sta se dogodilo sa mozgom (biraca) onih koji su ga eventualno imali. Meni je uvek nulti kriterijum u vezi politike bio koliko mi neko deluje pod libelu na basic nivou, pa tek onda trazim slaganja i neslaganja. Mora da je narod zaturio libelu te 2012. ja drugi suvisli odgovor nemam. Pa @freethrow on (Basara) ima kolumnu u Danasu koji je jedini normalan dnevni list. Znaci da ce biti citan anyhow medju populacijom koja naginje nekoj opoziciji. Realno mislim da je losa taktika ucutkivanja i izguravanja ljudi po sistemu proste tautologije nisi nas => protiv si. Ali dobro kako god.

Ovo jeste tako, tj ta instrumentalizacija je zapravo ono sto je izazvalo aktuelni problem. I to dvosmerna. A pitanje i da li samo ove dve susedne drzave. I to se sada radi vec medjudrzavnim odnosima cak ne ni u delu koji si opisivao u Nemackoj, pre svega na Bavarsku mislim, koji je svakodnevni socijal konzervativizam. Ne zaboravi ni na instrumentalizaciju crkvi tokom II svetskog rata, ne od strane komunista. Mislim postoji dokumentacija, fotografije, pa cak i jos uvek zivi svedoci. Ti takodje gledas iz ugla koji je povredio tvoju porodicu (ni moji nisu bili komunisti) Uticaj u socijalnom smislu je takav da delu populacije moze da utice na svakodnevni zivot, mnoge sanse u zivotu i slicno. To sto se lezernije odnosite prema tome je zato sto na vase zivote ili licne izbore ne utice, osim daleko bilo ratova. I drzava instrumentalizuje crkvu ili bilo koju religiju da za razlicite delove populacije ima razliciti nivo licne slobode. Nisam sigurna tacno i ispravi me ako gresim kad su Nemci dobili poresku klasu koja ne penalizuje zene koje rade. Sta sa socijalnim pritiskom i cuvenim 3K. Ja razumem covekovu potrebu za utehom i strahom pred konscnoscu zivota, i ovo o cemu je mamma mia pisala, ali ne volim politicku instrumentalizaciju religije koja mi namece restrikcije usled potreba drugih ljudi. Sto se vecine nas tice eticke vrednosti koje smo pokupili vaspitanjem jesu u kulturoloskom smislu deo hriscanstva.

Kinder lada se licencno proizvodila u SFRJ, u Hrvatskoj valjda. A kinder jaja su uvozena, ili pre toga kupovana napolju. Ako se dobro secam.

WEEKEND ESSAY The inside story of Carlos Ghosn’s great escape How months of planning by a team of experts in hostage extraction allowed the Nissan chief to flee justice packed in a concert equipment box. Nick Kostov, David Gauthier-Villars, Sam Schechner and Miho Inada report new Carlos Ghosn, pictured with his wife, Carole, gave Japanese surveillance the slip and escaped to Lebanon with the help of up to 15 security specialistsDOMINIQUE CHARRIAU/GETTY IMAGES - WIREIMAGE The Times, January 10 2020, 5:00pm Share Save After months of planning and millions of dollars in costs, Carlos Ghosn climbed into a large black case with holes drilled in the bottom. He had just travelled 300 miles by train from his court-approved home in Tokyo to Osaka. It was Sunday evening, December 29, the moment of truth in a plan so audacious that some of its own organisers worried it wouldn’t work. A team of private security experts hired to spirit Mr Ghosn out of Japan hadn’t done a dry run of their scheme to sneak the box containing the former Renault-Nissan executive past airport security, according to a person familiar with the plot. That is standard procedure for such a high-stakes smuggling operation. They had cased the airport only twice before, including that morning. “It’s impossible,” one team member had said during the planning. Mr Ghosn’s decision to jump bail in Japan set in motion a 23-hour international caper with little precedent. The plot involved advance teams that scoped out vulnerable airports and a pre-dawn plane transfer on the tarmac of a nearly deserted airport in Istanbul. That drizzly evening, two people accompanied the wheeled box — which is typically used to transport concert equipment — through the private-jet lounge of Osaka’s Kansai International Airport, according to an account provided by Japanese authorities. The team passed the wood-panelled entrance of the lounge, called Tamayura, or “brief moment,” down a hallway and around a pair of crescent-shaped cream-coloured sofas to the security checkpoint. The case containing Mr Ghosn made it past the checkpoint unexamined — it was too large to fit in the lounge’s x-ray machine and no one checked it by hand either, according to the source. The box was then loaded into the cabin of a 13-passenger Bombardier Global Express jet through the rear cargo door. A decoy box, this one actually filled with audio equipment, was also wedged inside the cabin. The plane took off a short time later, flight records show. This account of Mr Ghosn’s escape was compiled from interviews with people familiar with its planning and execution, with people knowledgeable about an unfolding inquiry in Turkey and from briefings made by authorities to reporters in Japan. Mr Ghosn had been facing a trial that was supposed to kick off later this year. Prosecutors had charged him with financial crimes including hiding tens of millions of dollars in deferred compensation and misappropriating funds belonging to Nissan. The businessman denied the charges and posted bail of more than £10 million to remain free, living in a video-monitored home with tight restrictions over who he could see. He assembled an international team of lawyers to defend him in court. In the end, though, he put his faith in a different team — a group of about a dozen operatives, including at least one with experience extracting hostages from war-zone confinement. Mr Ghosn has said he arranged his exit from Japan by himself. But this account suggests he enlisted a larger cast of characters. Collaborators started laying the groundwork in the spring, not long after he was released on bail for the second time in April. Associates had considered how to get him out of Japan to a country where he might be able to clear his name more easily. People close to Mr Ghosn began contacting former soldiers and spies to find specialists willing to take on the task. By the end of July a security team that would eventually expand to ten to 15 people of different nationalities began planning in earnest. The team was divided into various work streams, each separated from the others so that individuals on one assignment didn’t know what others were doing. Among the team, according to people working on the Japanese and Turkish inquiries, was Michael Taylor, 59, an ex-special forces soldier known for his track record of rescuing hostage victims in collaboration with the US State Department and Federal Bureau of Investigation. Square-jawed, with thick salt-and-pepper hair and a dimpled smile, Mr Taylor is an Arabic speaker with deep connections to Lebanon, where he met his wife when deployed as a Green Beret in the 1980s. The New York Times hired Mr Taylor’s former company to help rescue reporter David Rohde from Taliban captivity in Afghanistan in 2009. Mr Taylor more recently served time in am American prison after pleading guilty to two charges stemming from a federal bid-rigging investigation. Also part of the team, according to those familiar with the investigations, were: George-Antoine Zayek, a Lebanese-born US citizen who had worked with Mr Taylor over more than a decade. Mr Zayek, a member of the Lebanese Christian community like Mr Ghosn, had been injured fighting in Lebanon in the 1970s and later worked in private security with American forces in Afghanistan and Iraq, according to relatives in Lebanon. The two were identified by Turkish authorities as being aboard the jet that flew Mr Ghosn out of Japan. Dubai became one of the team’s forward staging areas. Mr Taylor visited the emirate eight times in the six months leading up to the operation, while Mr Zayek visited four times in the final three months. Sometimes the two men were together and sometimes separate, according to Dubai records viewed by The Wall Street Journal. Over the course of more than 20 trips to Japan, operatives scoped out more than ten airports or other ports from which Mr Ghosn could potentially leave the country. The extraction team seriously pursued other options besides airports, including smuggling Mr Ghosn out of Japan by boat. The overall budget for the operation was “in the millions” of dollars. To communicate with each other and Mr Ghosn, the organisers often used human messengers. That sidestepped Japanese officials’ restrictions on Mr Ghosn’s internet use; he was barred from using a smartphone so carried a mobile without internet connection. The communications network was used to narrow down dates, times and location, but chatter was kept to a minimum. It wasn’t until the autumn that a member of the team first visited the Osaka airport’s private-jet terminal. While the airport is busy, this terminal emerged as a leading candidate for the operation because it was often vacant. It is attached to Kansai’s terminal two domestic flights area and is relatively small — only 3,200 square feet, including a meeting room, a circular lounge, a bathroom and a security zone, according to a brochure. Another crucial selling point was that nothing but small bags would fit through the terminal’s x-ray machines — certainly not a large flight case like the one Mr Ghosn would end up using. By speaking to people who had used the terminal, the team learnt that bags were hardly ever checked on the way out. By early December the operation to extract the car executive was ready to be activated, with Osaka as the extraction point. Mr Ghosn, though, was still keeping his options open, according to people familiar with his thinking, and the plan could still be called off at the last minute. On Christmas Eve Mr Ghosn — having been denied the right for his wife to visit for the holidays — spoke to her for an hour via videoconference, according to his lawyer in Japan. The same day a person identifying himself as “Dr Ross Allen” signed a $350,000 contract with a Turkish private jet operator, MNG Jet Havacilik AS, to book a long-range Bombardier jet for two journeys: first from Dubai to Osaka and then from Osaka to Istanbul, according to booking documents viewed by the Wall Street Journal. The price also included logistical services on the ground in Osaka. MNG said it was unaware of the plan and has filed a criminal complaint against an employee it says was complicit in the plot to smuggle Mr Ghosn through Turkey. Turkish prosecutors have charged the employee and four pilots with migrant smuggling. A lawyer for the employee said his client denied wrongdoing. Lawyers for the pilots either couldn’t be reached or declined to comment. A pre-trial hearing on Christmas Day hardened Mr Ghosn’s resolve to leave Japan. He believed the court was dragging its feet and would never treat him fairly. Japan’s conviction rate for indicted defendants runs above 99 per cent. The country has defended its system as rigorous and prosecutors promised a fair trial. Two days later, Taylor and Zayek arrived together in Dubai for the last time before their trip to Japan, records show. Then, on the evening of December 28, they were off on the red-eye to Osaka. On board their long-range Bombardier jet were the two concert-equipment cases. Mr Ghosn left his three-storey Tokyo house at around 2.30pm local time, according to Japanese investigators who outlined the highlights of surveillance tapes to Japanese media. He was captured on video, alone, wearing a hat and a surgical mask common in Japan to protect from germs and pollution. He caught a cab for a short ride to the Grand Hyatt, an imposing hotel popular with business executives and political leaders in the Roppongi district. After entering near a lobby display of bamboo, disco balls and fairy lights put up for the New Year holiday, he met two foreign men, according to the investigators’ account. He narrowly missed Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe, who checked into the hotel slightly later for an annual holiday. Mr Ghosn was able to disappear in part because no one was monitoring his house regularly. His legal team was required to submit security footage only once a month. Security personnel at nearby locations said police and prosecutors didn’t appear to be watching the building. During an early stint in jail, he had petitioned the court to allow him to go free with an electronic ankle bracelet. The request was rejected because Japan doesn’t use the technology. He was later released on bail. A private security company hired by Nissan to tail Mr Ghosn had stopped work that day after the businessman’s lawyers threatened legal action against the company for allegedly harassing him, according to a person familiar with Nissan’s plans. A Nissan spokesman declined to comment on the surveillance. Mr Ghosn went to one of Japan’s biggest railway stations to catch a bullet train to Osaka. While the train was crowded, risks for this leg of the journey were low as Mr Ghosn was allowed to travel within Japan. It was already dark in Osaka when Mr Ghosn arrived around 7.30pm. He took a taxi across town to a hotel in a tall white tower just a ten-minute drive to the airport, according to briefings by Japanese authorities. Mr Ghosn was seen entering the hotel but not leaving it, leading investigators to conclude he climbed into the box at the hotel. That night a black van arrived at Kansai’s private jet terminal, where two people were waiting for it, according to a worker who helps airport bus customers with luggage. The van appeared to drop off passengers and left after a few minutes, this person said. By 11.10pm Ghosn, Taylor and Zayek were in the air and heading north towards international waters, according to flight records and people familiar with the matter. Only Zayek and Taylor were on the flight manifest, according to people familiar with the Turkish investigation. As the plane flew north, passing over Russia, Mr Ghosn emerged from the case but stayed in one of the cream-coloured seats at the rear, so as not to be seen by the flight crew. The jet arrived at Istanbul’s Ataturk airport at 5.12am local time, flight records show. One of the reasons for the stopover was to avoid raising suspicions in Japan with a flight plan connecting Japan with Beirut, according to a person familiar with the matter. Ataturk, named after the country’s modern founder, was for a time Turkey’s busiest airport. But since last year it has been nearly a ghost town, with most traffic moving to a new airport that had opened across the city. Before sunrise, Mr Ghosn emerged from the plane into driving rain, leaving behind the concert-equipment case he had occupied, and took a car around 100 yards to a smaller business jet, according to people familiar with a Turkish inquiry into Mr Ghosn’s use of the aircraft. Unlike the journey to Turkey, no flight plan was filed for the smaller jet and Mr Ghosn was sitting in a passenger seat. Taylor and Zayek did not accompany him on that final leg. As a condition of his bail in Japan, Mr Ghosn had left his French, Lebanese and Brazilian passports in the care of his Japanese lawyer. But after his release from jail the businessman had successfully petitioned the court to allow him a second French passport, arguing that foreigners are supposed to carry passports with them when travelling within Japan. Mr Ghosn used the French passport and a Lebanese identity card to enter the country, according to sources familiar with the case. That evening, with Mr Ghosn having made his way to his in-laws’ house, word of the escape began to leak out, first in the Lebanese media and then elsewhere. His PR team in the US issued this statement on his behalf: “I have not fled justice — I have escaped injustice and political persecution.” For now, Mr Ghosn appears to be settling into life in Lebanon, where he has invested in a wine estate and had planned to spend more time during his retirement. On New Year’s Eve Mr Ghosn and his wife, Carole, went to the house of a close friend for a party. The following day Mrs Ghosn took her husband to light a candle at the foot of a statue of St Charbel, a Maronite Christian saint who lived for 23 years as a hermit in Lebanon. Devotees consider the saint a miracle worker. Being reunited with her husband is “the best gift of my life,” Mrs Ghosn texted the Wall Street Journal shortly after his return. “Believe in miracles,” she added. A Japanese court has since issued an arrest warrant for Mrs Ghosn on suspicion of perjury. A spokeswoman for the family called the move “pathetic”. Mr Ghosn has been spending time in a pink mansion that Nissan purchased and paid to renovate for his use when he was running the Japanese car maker. Since his arrest Nissan had been trying to evict the Ghosn family, but they have been allowed to stay while the legal battle winds its way through the Lebanese courts. Nissan, which views the building as a valuable asset, continues to have the house under surveillance, a lawyer for the company said. Nissan security and Mr Ghosn’s own detail sometimes patrol the property at the same time.

Da nisi mislio na uzrok? Posledice su samo nacin kako se sistemska greska ispoljava. U sustini mora ona da se ukloni onda se ni posledice ne javljaju. Ovako sve bude sminka i posle nekog vremena dzaba ste krecili. Veci je problem sto vecini to zamazivanje odgovara, a ne sustinska promena.

Tekst: https://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2020&mm=01&dd=10&nav_category=12&nav_id=1640041 Komentar (u svetlu onog sto ste pisali) «nije problem sto su tabloidi odvratni jer su svuda u svetu odvratni. Problem je sto u Srbiji tabloidi dobijaju novac od drzave i problem je sto su sudske kazne za svinjarije smesne u odnosu na novac koji im drzava kao toboze medijima placa iz cega sledi prost zakljucak da ionako smesne kazne placaju novcem poreskih obveznika a ogroman novac koji im drzava daje im ostane. Prostom dedukcojom je toboze sok drzavnih organa na zverstva tabloida naprosto smesan i svako ko se na isti prima je neznalica. Tabloidi se resavaju za 24h, nema novca od drzave i milionske sudske kazne. (Montesqueu, 10. januar 2020 16:43) « I jos jedan koji mi je zapao za oko: » Kako neki ljudi od sebe naprave đubre. Da li su to pare u pitanju ili neka urođena bestijalnost koja ispliva u državi koja je slaba.(Bijek, 10. januar 2020 15:14) # Link komentara«

Mislis komercijalno gledano? Jeste dok u Nisu FM nije otvorio fabriku. Na stranu nikotinski brend da nije vase veze bilo cela estrada (ukljucujuci i politicare) bi nam bila gologuza u godinama sankcija. Sve se nabavljalo kod sanera, a stizalo wholesale linijom Bari - Bar 😂, pa odatle distribucija. To u vreme pre «banana» i ostale robe iz Juzne Amerike. Od devedesetih najbolje obuceni balkanski politicari su bili Crnogorci, ostali ko socijalni slucajevi prema njima.

Znas li sta, vidi obican covek nego ga zaboli stikla dok se o njegovom detetu, kucetu, novcaniku i teraj dalje ne radi. Veruj mi to je osnov svih nasih problema i malih i velikih. Ne kazem da toga nema i kod drugih zajednica, ali u nas je strasno. Nego vecito resavamo sve krpljenjem kvara ne na mestu gde je nastao, vec gde se ispoljio. Ako se uopste odlucimo i tako da radimo. Jesu ovi stoka, ali su stoka jer ih je neko pustio (nereagovanjem) onda kad su mogli da se zaustave. Previse aboliramo tog malog coveka, a od njega sve pocinje. Dok mali covek ne shvati da sistem nije nesto izvan njega i sto se samoodrzava nece se ovo srediti.

Informer je do sada izgubio desetak procesa i naravno, država je pokrila Po kom osnovu im prebaci pare za peglanje? I na uplatnici postoji svrha uplate. Time implicitno priznaje odgovornost za napisano.

Prekrseni zakoni: https://www.istinomer.rs/analize/tabloidi-i-slucaj-iz-suvog-dola-sta-su-sve-prekrsili-autori-naslovnih-strana/ Iza svakog dna, postoji novo dno: https://www.danas.rs/drustvo/srbija-nastavlja-da-tone-u-tabloidnu-septicku-jamu/

Ajde sto ste na kraj srca, samo smo malo birali medju Constantinovim Nislijama rokerima sta je kome blize nekad bilo. Sto bi rekli zal za mladost. Opasne su i ove diskusije o muzickom ukusu, mogli bi da se podzapamo ko na politici i religiji. 😂 Zanimljivo da je deo nas (srednja osamdesetih i studije veselih devedesetih) voleo zagrebacke bendove novog talasa, kao sto su se tamo slusali beogradski. Meni je jedan od drazih koncerata bio zadnji beogradski Haustora u Filmskom gradu na Avala festu. Valjda je to bilo kraj leta ‘90. Tad je i Tina Tarner bila na tada Galenikinom stadionu u Zemunu. Sjajan provod, sto kaze narod k’o pred zlo. Devedesete su mi ostale u secanju po klupskim svirkama DLM ali sa starim pevacem. Imali su odlicnu duvacku sekciju. No, to vise nije bila SFRJ.

Ja sam zgrozena tim rijalitijem sto se ne zavrsava, a cije su zrtve i ono jadno dete, njegova porodica, a kako stvari stoje i ovaj sto su ga uhapsili. A bogami i javnost. Uvlacenje njegove porodice, koja je izgleda i zasluzna za njegovu disfunkcionalnost je odvratno. Pitanje je da li njemu nije mesto u nekom zatvorskom delu za osobe koje imaju problema sa psihockim zdravljem. Kako se svi akteri na politickoj ili drustvenoj sceni budu osecali nesigurnijim ovo ima samo da bude gore. Problem je sto reakcija izostaje ukoliko nije neko u bilo kom smislu «moj» ili «nas». I tu je negde koren svih problema.

Istraga posrbica Ivica Dačić, ministar ćoravih spoljnih poslova Srbije, baš ima „osećaj za momenat“. Kad treba da se – puca, kad treba da se peva – peva. Osetivši sedmim čulom – koje samo on ima – da je Vučić zbog crnogorskog zakona o verskim zajednicama, pao u nadsaharski amok, a rešen da se što dublje uvuče u […] 19Piše: Svetislav Basara08. januara 2020. 16.00 Ivica Dačić, ministar ćoravih spoljnih poslova Srbije, baš ima „osećaj za momenat“. Kad treba da se – puca, kad treba da se peva – peva. Osetivši sedmim čulom – koje samo on ima – da je Vučić zbog crnogorskog zakona o verskim zajednicama, pao u nadsaharski amok, a rešen da se što dublje uvuče u Visoko Dupe (bliže se izbori), Dačić je izašao u javnost sa predlogom za istragu Posrbica, imbecilni projekat verovatno nadahnut u vlaidikinom epu opevanom istragom Poturica, s tom razlikom što Dačić ne bi da se istraže Srbi/Crnogorci koji su primili u islam (hm, da li baš ne bi) nego građani „poreklom iz Crne Gore, koji su se iz njima znanih razloga opredelili za državljanstvo Srbije. Saglasno Dačiću, ti i takvi sumnjivci treba da se „izjasne“ da li su protivni Milovom antisrpskom i anticrkvenom zakonu, pa ih onda, ukoliko se „izjasne“ da nisu, promptno kazniti, ako baš ne odsecanjem glava, a ono oduzimanjem državljanstva Srbije, što je kaznena mera koja meni više liči na nagradu. Ostalo je nedorečeno da li će oni koji se izjasne „protiv“, biti nagradivani titulom Počasni Srbin ili, možda, Zaslužni državljanin Srbije s pravom na nacionalnu penziju. Da, da, tako to ide, osim (čisto deklarativnog) članstva u SPC, šajkače, opanka i ajvara, državljanstvo Srbije je bitan deo srpskog identiteta, a kome je Mile Dodik, sve se češući po guzičetini, izgovorio mnoga trogatelna dubokukomislija. I vaistinu, Srbi rasuti po „srpskim zemljama“, koje se igrom nepravednih istorijskih okolnosti, nalaze u stranim zemljama, bez srpskog državljanstva se osećaju nekompletnim Srbima, što je stvar koja bi se lako mogla kompletirati preseljenjem u atar Republike Srbije, ali – viđi Vraga – rečeni Srbi očekuju da Republika Srbija dođe u te strane zemlje, da ih pretvori u Srbiju i lično im uruči državljanstvo. Treba li uopšte reći da ih Republika Srbija u svim njenim alotropskim modifikacijama (sa izuzetkom komunističke), ohrabruje u tom očekivanju. Ali viđi i tu vraga. Kad je 1918. – nakon što jE prepolovila mušku populaciju Srbije – Srbija zakoračila na prag ostvarenja vekovnog sna da svi Srbi imaju srpsko državljanstvo, nekim hokus pokusom je izgubila državu i u toj izgubljenosti pregurala devedesetak godina, sve dok je crnogorski referendum na silu nije naterao da ponovo postane suverena država, koja doduše nema suverenitet nad Marakanom i još nekim lokacijama, ali ipak ima – državljanstvo. Naravoučenije: nacionalni identitet koji se gradi spajanjem stvari koji treba da stoje odvojeno – vera, nacionalnost. državljansvo, na primer – ne donosi nikakvo nacionalno jedinstvo, nego za posledicu ima gubitak ličnih identiteta, pretvaranje ljudi u beslovesnu biomasu, koja se čudi zašto stalno „nikada ovako nije bilo

Isto i kod mene. Ako je dijagnoza ovo gore sto je MetalHead napisao, kanda se neko uziveo u ulogu skretnicara.

Kod mene je upravo proradilo. U kontinuitetu nije radilo od juce posle podne ni kroz browser na mobilnom (Safari), ni sa racunara. Pre toga povremeni prekidi.

Da ako znaju, a insistiraju, preko granice je. Tj prevaspitavanje... Ako ne znam ja cestitam, ne iz verskih iz tradicionalnih razloga. Ako kazu da ne slave, ili ukapiram to posredno, zapamtim. Ako mi neko cestita, odgovorim kako se odgovara. Meni je to ostalo iz detinjstva od baba i deda. Ne smeta mi.

Constantine, ono glede fizickog problema vise nego nije OK, ali to je Lukovic. Nije to samo o Nesi, sto bi se reklo nije on singled out. Lukovic je to vazda radio, takav mu stil. Sheldon light. Vesni Pesic se obraca sa baba Vesna i ne mogu da se setim zadnjeg sta je napisao za Dubravku Stojanovic. To valjda od kad se pokrljao sa Pescanikom ili kim vec koje tu koga tuzio i zasta. Valjda je izgubio neki spor za veliki novac. S njim se treba svadjati istim stilom ko deca sto rade, «klempava ti mama», ali ono sto je pisao vezano za politiku, posebno za ratove ‘90tih, mislim da u mnogo cemu ima pravo iz mog ugla, eticki gledano. Ja to njegovo pisanije ne vezujem sa dnevnom politikom vec kad uradis zoom out daje dobru analizu zasto je ta dnevna politika takva kakva jeste.

Sve pet. Odlicno nas je okarakterisao. Samo da na momenat udjem u ulogu advokata, glede ovoga sa junastvom. Cepurin pise iz uloge naroda koji je ipak bio i jeste realna sila. Organizovana i ovako i onako, ali sila i naravno ima mnogo vise pobeda da se identifikuju. Nas kult smrti po meni proizilazi iz nase limita brojcanih, ekonomskih, okruzenja, «kuce» napravljene na vekovnom drumu za kojekakve vojske u kombinaciji sa karakterom onog «nevidljivog» kobca iz crtanog filma «sta znas mozda imam sest metara». Izuzetno volimo da se kurcimo sa velikima, a nemamo kapacitet za to, pa su reakcije frustriranog trogodisnjaka uobicajene. Slovenci su blizak primer kako se vodi pametna politika kad si mali narod. Odakle si preuzeo zadnji citat?

Nemacka ima svoj ustav, Crna Gora koliko god mala ima svoj ustav. Takav, kakav jeste donesen u nekoj proceduri. Da li treba da im se rusi ustavni poredak spolja? Problem je sto se ovde ne diskutuje cak ni na nivou kafane Ili navijacke tribine, da se ne cita na funkcionalnom nivou, vec se ljudima ucitava za sta jesu, ili ne. I o cemu smeju ili ne smeju da se izjasnjavaju. Dakle ko zna koji put da ponovim smatram da do ovoga ne bi doslo da nije bilo odredjenih politickih aktivnosti. Sad kad je proslo rade ono sto su trebali da rade pre kontrolu stete i pozivaju na dijalog. Ovde pisu ljudi koji ne brane zakon, ne brane Mila, ne brane onu nasu nesrecu, nego kritikuju nesto sto jeste domen politike. I koji nisu maliciozni. Dajte da se izadje iz tog binarnog modela. I da se prestane odokativno obelezavanje ljude. Jos uvek pokusavam da razumem da je nenamerno, ali cu poceti da sumnjam. Ako je ovo forum, neka bude forum. Ako je platforma za diskusiju politickih aktivista, definisite je tako.

Pa nisu oni na ulicama samo zbog tih clanova. A nije da ljudi koji kao vode privatne ratove, nesto od politickih igrarija koje su prethodile donosenju ovog zakona sa sve spornim clanovima nisu videli pre, posebno ako im je krstenica zuca. I znaju za koga se to lose zavrsilo.

Ukrajina ima svoj Ustav, ne crnogorski. Nije to pitanje medjunarodnog prava. Mislim imenovanje crkve. Ljudi ne dolaze sa «stavovima», vec sa stavovima i ti stavovi nisu zasnovani ni na cemu.

A dobro to pojasnjava malo. Nisam znala za taj animozitet. Promaklo mi negde. On i Kremer su uvek bili onako bodljikavi na jeziku, sad nekad se covek slozi, nekad ne.